Earlier this week, Jordan’s King Abdullah II appointed his Chief of Staff Jafar Hassan to form a new government, following last week’s Parliamentary elections. The Hashemite Monarch has commendably been trying to modernize the Kingdom’s political system, so as to better reflect the views and aspirations of a restless new generation.
The problem, however, is that the most adamant element in the Jordanian public, a distinct minority, is Islamic and bitterly anti-Israeli. The border with Israel, which used to be quite secure, is now porous, which enabled a terrorist to sneak through and kill three Israelis. This is also a testament to Iranian efforts to use Jordan as a corridor through which weapons and explosives are being smuggled to West Bank terror cells. Is the Hashemite Regime strong enough to withstand these pressures? Joining us for the analysis:
I was happy to join my colleagues Jonathan Hessen, Amir Oren, Col. (Ret.) Joel Rayburn to discuss of this.
Amid a bloody war and the tragic course that began on October 7th, Israelis and Palestinians require a profound process of introspection, asking some difficult questions about an alternate future that may still be built. Can this tragedy be turned into a positive path forward for both people? We outline how this could be achieved.
We write during one of the darkest moments in the history of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict set against the backdrop of another war in Gaza. The war that began after the unprecedented October 7th attack has quickly emerged as the lowest point in the history of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict: the tally of Palestinian casualties already compares to the combined Palestinian death toll of the past 75 years. This destructive dynamic also finds both societies in the grips of a leadership crisis.
In recent years, until October 7th, the region was moving toward a robust path of progress and connectivity, much buoyed by the Abraham Accords. But now, it once again finds itself consumed by the familiar, destructive dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. On a broader scale, this has triggered a conflagration in Lebanon, Yemen, Iran and the Red Sea.
Israel has endured the largest massacre of its people since the Holocaust and now grapples with the aftermath of an intelligence failure of catastrophic proportions. The war has temporarily diverted attention away from a protracted political division but has been far from ending the political debate, fueled by anger and revenge.
At the same time, Palestinians – caught in the crossfire in Gaza amid Israeli bombings and internal Hamas strife – are now confronted with an imperative for decisive action. However, Palestinians have little leverage as their options are constrained by Hamas’s relentless persistence in Gaza and Abu Mazen’s diminishing influence in Ramallah.
The Arab nations, witnessing the unexpected rise of radical forces, find themselves incapable of distancing themselves from the unfolding events. Torn between sympathy for the cause and fear of further escalation, they are once again summoned to assume a mediating role, provide aid, and contribute to covering the costs incurred.
On all sides, a new operating system is needed.
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Israel 1.0 was conceived in 1948. The Jews settled the land and began to construct state infrastructure that came to fruition after the conclusion of the British mandate and after a war of independence with the Arabs, who refused to accept a partition plan for a two-state solution. With barely 600,000 Jews in 1948, Israel was a small nation often perceived as David among the colossal Goliaths surrounding it. Marked by a socialist orientation and grappling with the trauma of the Holocaust, Israel was finding its way, seeking refuge behind the major powers at the time. The young country had made its first steps in the international arena and worked to create relations with the non-Arab allies in the region. Turkey and Iran became trusted allies. The Palestinians, at this point, are mainly on the other side of the border.
